Ayatollah Ali Khamenei ruled Iran for 37 years. He was killed at his desk on February 28, 2026 in a joint US-Israeli airstrike that also wiped out most of his senior military command. Eight days later, Iran's Assembly of Experts has reached a consensus on a successor — but the process has been anything but constitutional. Here is the full story of how the Islamic Republic chose its third supreme leader under fire, under pressure, and under intense IRGC control.
The morning of Saturday, February 28, 2026 began like any other working day at the Beit Rahbari — the sprawling compound in central Tehran that houses the offices and residence of the Supreme Leader, the Iranian presidency, and the National Security Council. Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, 86 years old and the dominant force in Iranian politics for 37 years, was at his desk.
What Khamenei did not know — and what US and Israeli planners had been building toward for weeks — was that the CIA had gathered precise intelligence about a Saturday morning meeting scheduled for that compound, one that would bring Khamenei and Iran's entire senior military command into the same location at the same time. The CIA shared the intelligence with Israel, and the timeline of the operation was accelerated to seize the opportunity.
At approximately 9:40am Tehran time (06:10 GMT), the strikes began. US Cyber Command and US Space Command moved first, cutting Iranian communications, blinding radar networks and severing the regime's ability to coordinate a response. Then came the strikes themselves — carried out with full synchronisation between the Israeli Air Force and the US military.
Khamenei was killed in his office within the Beit Rahbari compound, according to Iranian state media. His daughter Hoda Khamenei, son-in-law Mesbah Bagheri Kani, a grandchild, a daughter-in-law, and approximately a dozen other close family members and senior aides also died. By the following day, his wife Mansoureh Khojasteh Bagherzadeh had also died from injuries. At least 13 senior defence officials were confirmed killed at the compound or in targeted simultaneous strikes, including the IRGC Commander, Defence Minister, Chief of Staff, IRGC Aerospace Force Commander, Head of the National Defence Council, and the Head of Military Intelligence.
Iranian state media initially denied Khamenei's death, with Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi telling NBC News the Supreme Leader was alive "as far as I know." But by early March 1, the Supreme National Security Council confirmed the killing, declared him a martyr, and announced 40 days of national mourning. Iran also declared a seven-day national holiday.
Trump posted on Truth Social: "Khamenei, one of the most evil people in History, is dead" — calling his killing justice for Americans and others killed by Iran over the decades.
Also read: Israel & USA Vs Iran War | Leading towards WWIII? — the full story of Operation Epic Fury and what triggered the strike that killed Khamenei.Khamenei's death immediately triggered one of the most constitutionally complex succession crises in the history of the Islamic Republic. Unlike most heads of state, Iran's supreme leader has no vice, no deputy, and no officially designated successor. The position of Vice Supreme Leader was abolished in 1989 — the same year Khamenei himself was elevated from the comparatively junior clerical rank of hojatoleslam to ayatollah in order to qualify for the role.
Iran's constitution is explicit on what must happen next. Under Article 111, when the supreme leader dies, the Assembly of Experts must convene immediately and appoint a successor "in the shortest possible time." Until they do so, a three-member Provisional Leadership Council composed of the President, the Chief Justice, and one cleric from the Guardian Council assumes the transitional duties of the position.
That council formed within hours of the killing's confirmation on March 1. It consisted of President Masoud Pezeshkian, Chief Justice Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Ejei, and Guardian Council cleric Ayatollah Alireza Arafi. Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf was briefly listed as a fourth member before Foreign Minister Araghchi clarified that the constitutional body was a group of three.
With airstrikes continuing across Iran and the regime in a genuine fight for survival, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps made clear immediately after Khamenei's death that it wanted a new supreme leader chosen within hours, not days or weeks. Sources told Iran International that IRGC commanders were pushing to finalise the decision by dawn on Sunday, March 1 — before the Assembly of Experts could even legally convene. The IRGC's preferred candidate was already known: Mojtaba Khamenei, the late supreme leader's 55-year-old son.
Before the IRGC's campaign to install its preferred candidate gained full momentum, a broader range of figures were discussed as potential successors. Here is a profile of each contender and where they stand.
The late supreme leader's second son and widely believed to be the most powerful figure in Iran outside official positions. Known to wield enormous influence over IRGC commanders and government administrators despite almost never appearing in public. The IRGC launched an intensive campaign on March 3 to pressure Assembly members to vote for him. Trump called his potential appointment "unacceptable." His father reportedly opposed a hereditary succession. His selection would be unprecedented in the Islamic Republic's history.
IRGC FavouriteCurrently serving as Chief Justice and a member of the Provisional Leadership Council. Khamenei reportedly named him as one of three preferred candidates in documents prepared before his assassination. Reuters reported Khamenei supported either Mohseni-Ejei or Hassan Khomeini. Polymarket traders priced him as the narrow frontrunner at roughly 18% at the height of speculation. Seen as more hardline than pragmatic but deeply embedded in the system.
Polymarket: 18%Grandson of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, founder of the Islamic Republic. His family lineage gives him enormous symbolic legitimacy. Reuters reported Khamenei supported either Mohseni-Ejei or Khomeini as successor. However, Iran International assessed him as unlikely due to his exclusion from the regime's upper echelon after he was barred from running for the Assembly of Experts in 2016, a decision seen as sidelining him by the Khamenei establishment.
Symbolic FrontrunnerCurrently serving on the Provisional Leadership Council as the Guardian Council representative. Deputy chairman of the Assembly of Experts and director of Iran's Islamic seminaries. Has significant religious standing and is deeply embedded in the clerical power structure, but is not seen as a powerful political actor. Described by analysts as a consensus-builder rather than a dominant figure. Was reportedly nominated as interim supreme leader on February 28 before a permanent successor was chosen.
Transitional FigureOne of the most senior civilian officials to survive the February 28 strikes. Former parliament speaker and long described as one of Khamenei's closest confidants. On the day of the killing, Larijani posted on X that Iran would deliver Israel and the US an "unforgettable lesson." Has long been seen as a potential supreme leader candidate by academics and analysts. Seen as more pragmatic and internationally experienced than many hardline alternatives.
Senior SurvivorSpeaker of Iran's parliament and a former IRGC commander and presidential candidate. Briefly listed as a fourth member of the Provisional Leadership Council before the composition was clarified. Has strong ties to the IRGC and the conservative establishment. Long considered a contender from the upper echelons of the system. His military background and ties to the Revolutionary Guards make him a figure who commands institutional respect.
IRGC-AdjacentSource: Al Jazeera — Who Could Succeed Ayatollah Ali Khamenei to Lead Iran?
The constitutional process for choosing a new supreme leader was designed for peace, not wartime. What unfolded over the eight days following Khamenei's killing was a chaotic collision between legal procedure, military pressure, foreign airstrikes, and deep factional divisions within the Islamic Republic's clerical elite.
Ayatollah Alireza Arafi reported as nominated interim supreme leader before formal elections begin. IRGC commanders push to appoint a permanent successor by dawn March 1, before the Assembly of Experts can legally convene. Assembly cannot meet while airstrikes are continuing across the country.
The constitutional Provisional Leadership Council formally constituted: President Pezeshkian, Chief Justice Mohseni-Ejei, and Guardian Council cleric Arafi. Iran's security chief Ali Larijani confirms the transition process is underway. Government declares 40 days of national mourning and a seven-day public holiday.
The first emergency session of the Assembly of Experts, convened in Qom specifically to elect the new supreme leader, ends prematurely after Israeli airstrikes target the Assembly building. The meeting is interrupted and the process suspended. IRGC commanders simultaneously begin a campaign of "repeated contacts and psychological and political pressure" on Assembly members to vote for Mojtaba Khamenei.
Iran International, the prominent opposition-linked channel, reports that the Assembly of Experts voted for Mojtaba Khamenei as new supreme leader under IRGC pressure. Members are informed of the result by phone. Immediately, objections surface about the legality of how the vote was conducted. The Assembly's leadership board decides to delay official announcement pending a second session.
At least eight Assembly of Experts members announce they will not attend the second emergency session, citing "heavy pressure" from the Revolutionary Guards to impose Mojtaba Khamenei. The session is moved online and managed from a location near the shrine of Fatima Masumeh in Qom, chosen for its religious significance as protection against Israeli airstrikes. Iran's consulate in Mumbai officially denies Israeli media reports that Mojtaba has been confirmed.
Assembly member Ayatollah Mohammad-Mahdi Mirbagheri tells Iran's Mehr news agency that a majority consensus on the successor has been reached, based on Khamenei's advice that the new leader should "be hated by the enemy." He notes some obstacles remain in finalising the process. Another Assembly member states the chosen candidate was named by US President Trump himself, referencing Trump's public statement calling Mojtaba Khamenei an "unacceptable" choice.
Of all the candidates discussed for the supreme leadership, Mojtaba Khamenei is simultaneously the most powerful insider and the most constitutionally awkward choice. He has spent his adult life accumulating influence within the Islamic Republic's shadow structures — the IRGC, the Basij, the intelligence services — while almost entirely avoiding public visibility.
His father Ali Khamenei reportedly opposed a hereditary succession, understanding that transferring power from father to son would invite comparisons with the dynastic monarchy of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the system the 1979 Islamic Revolution was explicitly designed to overthrow. That concern has not disappeared with the elder Khamenei's death. At least eight Assembly members were prepared to boycott the vote rather than endorse what they saw as a constitutionally and ideologically compromised process.
The framing is pointed. Trump had publicly called Mojtaba's potential appointment "unacceptable" — which the IRGC and its allies are now using as a paradoxical endorsement. The logic: if America's president opposes this choice, that is precisely the qualification Khamenei himself said mattered most. An enemy's hatred, in this reading, is a credential.
If Mojtaba Khamenei is formally confirmed as supreme leader, it will mark the first time in the history of the Islamic Republic that power has passed from father to son. The 1979 revolution explicitly rejected dynastic succession as a feature of the Shah's regime. Many within Iran's clerical establishment view a Khamenei-to-Khamenei succession as a profound ideological contradiction — one that undermines the foundational legitimacy of the system they are trying to defend. The IRGC's determination to push it through anyway reflects how completely the military has come to dominate Iranian politics.
Whoever formally assumes the title of supreme leader will inherit a country that has been fundamentally changed in eight days. Iran has lost most of its senior military command, seen its nuclear programme targeted, had its air defence networks degraded, and is now fighting a war against two of the most powerful militaries on earth. The new leader's primary task is not theological governance — it is wartime survival.
Regardless of who holds the title of supreme leader, real military authority currently rests with the surviving IRGC command structure. The IRGC has already set the agenda: closing the Strait of Hormuz, striking US bases in the Gulf, and launching attacks on Gulf countries hosting American forces. The new supreme leader will need to either endorse or negotiate with this military machine.
Multiple senior clerics have issued fatwas and jihad declarations following Khamenei's killing. Grand Ayatollah Makarem Shirazi, 99, declared avenging Khamenei the "religious duty of all Muslims in the world." Ayatollah Nouri Hamedani issued a fatwa declaring obligation for all Muslims to avenge his blood. The new leader inherits a religious framework explicitly committed to continued military confrontation.
The manner of the succession, driven by IRGC pressure, conducted partly by phone, and boycotted by multiple Assembly members, raises serious questions about the new leader's constitutional legitimacy within Iran's own system. A leader selected through a process widely seen as coerced rather than deliberate will face challenges to his authority from within the clerical establishment itself.
Trump stated explicitly at the outset of Operation Epic Fury that the goal was to "create conditions for the brave Iranian people to take their destiny into their own hands." Whether a new supreme leader chosen by a IRGC-dominated process satisfies that goal — or whether it simply reconstitutes the system with a new face — will be one of the defining questions of the coming weeks.
Iran is about to name a supreme leader chosen under military pressure, during an active war, through a process multiple members of the selecting body have openly described as coerced. Whatever the outcome, the legitimacy of the new leader within Iran's own institutional structure will be contested from the moment the announcement is made.
For the IRGC, that may be an acceptable trade-off. What matters to Iran's military is continuity of command authority in a war that is consuming the country's resources and testing its survival. A supreme leader who commands the loyalty of the IRGC does not need the endorsement of dissident Assembly members to exercise real power.
For the Islamic Republic as a political system, the cost is harder to calculate. The credibility of the Assembly of Experts as a constitutional body, the legitimacy of clerical rule as distinct from military rule, and the ideological coherence of a revolutionary system now passing power from father to son: these are the fractures that the succession crisis has exposed, and they will shape Iran's internal politics long after the current war ends.
Trump launched Operation Epic Fury with the stated aim of creating conditions for Iranians to "take their destiny into their own hands." Eight days later, Iran's destiny is being shaped not by its people but by the IRGC installing a supreme leader's son as his father's replacement. The regime has survived the decapitation of its leadership — but in doing so, it has revealed how thoroughly military authority has displaced the clerical legitimacy that was always the Islamic Republic's founding claim to govern.
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